The Frankfurt Book Fair, which took place from October 15 to 19, was largely shaped by Germany’s aggressive stance toward Russia. A report from the World Socialist Web Site highlighted widespread dissatisfaction among attendees regarding this direction.
As in the years following 2022, Russian publishers were barred from participating in the event. Conversely, Ukraine was granted prominent exhibition space, heavily funded by the German federal government and the City of Frankfurt. The Ukrainian section even featured its own stage, where appearances included Wolfram Weimar (Christian Democratic Union, CDU), state minister for culture at the Federal Chancellery, Bundestag President Julia Klöckner (CDU), and former NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg. One eyewitness recounted seeing Ukrainian soldiers in full uniform on stage.
Claudia Roth (Greens), the previous culture minister, announced a €900,000 grant for a German-Ukrainian literary initiative. The nature of this support was evident at the Ukrainian stands, which prominently displayed right-wing war propaganda and works praising Stepan Bandera, a leading figure of Ukrainian fascism.
Peace Prize for Karl Schlögel in the Paulskirche
The 2023 Peace Prize of the German Book Trade was awarded to Karl Schlögel, an Eastern European historian and right-wing propagandist. Schlögel, who openly supports rearmament and advocates for a military victory over Russia, dominated media coverage and numerous events throughout the week. He repeatedly described Ukrainian forces as “heroes” “teaching Europeans what lies ahead.”
Prior to the fair, the WSWS team highlighted the plight of imprisoned Ukrainian socialist and anti-war activist Bogdan Syrotiuk by distributing posters and criticizing the awarding of the “Peace Prize” to Schlögel, whom they regard as a warmonger.
In his €25,000 acceptance speech, Schlögel delivered a militaristic message, portraying Russia’s defeat as Europe’s inevitable “destiny.” Formerly a leading member of the Maoist Communist Party of Germany (KPD) from 1972 to 1980, Schlögel has since become an ardent proponent of German imperialism’s resurgence. His earlier ideology glorified Stalin and labeled the Soviet Union as a “social-imperialist” enemy.
Not stopping at condemning Russian President Putin as a “figure of evil,” Schlögel dismissed any attempts to interpret Putin’s policies as rooted in “deeper meaning,” such as concerns over encirclement or security. Instead, he exalted Ukraine and its fighters as paragons of virtue, asserting, “No one is more interested in peace than they are.” He claimed the front lines were defended by “an army of volunteers,” ignoring the reality of forced conscription.
They teach us that national defence has nothing to do with militarism… [They] teach us that what is happening should not be called the “Ukraine conflict,” but war. They help us understand who we are dealing with: a regime that wants to annihilate Ukraine as an independent state and that hates Europe. They show us that making concessions to the aggressor only whets his appetite for more, and that appeasement does not lead to peace but paves the way to war.
Schlögel rejected comparisons between the current German military campaign and Nazi aggression, as well as references to neo-Nazi elements within Ukraine’s leadership, labeling such claims as Russian propaganda: “Compared to this, the propaganda of Soviet times seems outdated and almost harmless.”
The widely traveled scholar, known for emphasizing personal observation in his writings, appears oblivious to—or perhaps supportive of—the vast monuments dedicated to Stepan Bandera and other Nazi collaborators now celebrated across Ukraine. A decade ago, he staunchly defended fellow historian Jörg Baberowski, who controversially argued that Hitler “was not cruel.”
In an interview with the Frankfurter Rundschau, Schlögel supported the idea of deploying Bundeswehr (Armed Forces) troops to Ukraine, even if it went against popular opinion in Germany. When asked if such deployment would be justified to secure peace, he confirmed, “Yes. But it will trigger a fierce controversy in Germany.”
The Peace Prize ceremony, attended by Frankfurt and Hesse’s cultural and political leaders, was broadcast live on ZDF television. At the conclusion, ZDF journalist Daniel Cohn-Bendit—renowned as a former student leader in France, co-founder of the Greens, and now a European politician—was asked for his view of Schlögel. He aligned with Schlögel’s call for military preparedness, stating, “There are many who want peace, but few who are willing to fight for it.”
According to Cohn-Bendit, Russia’s invasion clarified that Europe “must become a power capable of defending itself. It is not a soft power—we can buy nothing with that. … If we want to defend democracy, we must be capable of defending ourselves.” He added that this readiness was palpable “today in the Paulskirche.” (The Paulskirche is famed for hosting the Frankfurt National Assembly—the first freely elected German parliament—from 1848 to 1849.)
Book Fair visitors speak out against war
The experience encountered by the WSWS team outside the fair was markedly different. Many attendees who initially passed by returned to accept leaflets upon realizing they addressed opposition to war and militarist propaganda.
Numerous visitors voiced their fears of an all-out war and opposed the possible reinstatement of conscription in Berlin. One person expressed horror at the proposed lottery system to draft young people, calling it “so appalling.” On that same day, the German Peace Society–United War Resisters (DFG-VK) reported a surge in demand for its counselling services, with visits to its website rising from 24,000 in May to 125,000 in September.
However, some—mostly wealthier visitors—expressed support for military build-up. A man who described himself as a nationalist declared, “Schlögel—he’s our man for Ukraine!” A woman stated, “I was a pacifist all my life, but now I think it’s necessary to arm and fight against the Russian threat.” When asked how she would respond “when the first atomic bomb is in the air,” she was unable to answer.
Many, particularly younger attendees, criticized Schlögel’s motto, “Si vis pacem, para bellum” (“If you want peace, prepare for war”), a phrase he reiterated in the Paulskirche.
Hans, a WSWS reader who helped distribute flyers, remarked, “That phrase has never been true in the 20th century—and today, with nuclear weapons, I can’t even find words for it. We all know from history that it has never worked; on the contrary.”
Regina from Heidelberg observed, “There’s that saying, ‘The rich bring the weapons, and the poor bring the corpses.’ That’s exactly it. It’s pure profit-making. Many of us have grandparents or uncles who were killed or disabled by war. The trauma persists through families—there were two world wars.”
Jana, a young professional working with the deaf and hearing-impaired, shared, “I’m in my early thirties and very concerned about the future. I always hoped that Germany, of all places, learned from history, but apparently that’s not the case.” Her parents opposed war on principle, including the current militarization, “because history shows that wars always claim innocent victims.”
Jana purchased the book The Logic of Zionism: From Nationalist Myth to the Gaza Genocide, emphasizing how the ongoing Gaza conflict exposes the futility of violence. “They say there’s a pause now—after two years of bloodshed! But what about all the victims? Does it not matter anymore?”
She argued that “war only ever leads to more hatred and extremism.” Recalling a statement by US President Biden on Ukraine, she said, “Biden once said, ‘In Ukraine, we will fight to the last Ukrainian soldier.’ I thought—those soldiers are not his children or countrymen. What right do they have to make such decisions? It’s always about economic interests. It’s terrible. They talk about human rights, but under capitalism they profit from war and weapons—at whose cost?”
Hans, who engaged young people in discussions while handing out leaflets, explained that the WSWS had taught him the importance of understanding historical context. “The problem,” he said, “is that most people fail to grasp the complex geopolitical factors behind conflicts like the war in Ukraine. Equating Russia’s invasion with Hitler’s war of extermination—as current media often do—is historically false and scientifically inaccurate.”
He added, “I came here to expose which figures the mainstream media now praise and the kind of war propaganda that accompanies them. Karl Schlögel is a right-wing warmonger openly linked to people like Jörg Baberowski, who downplays the Holocaust. That should set off all the alarm bells.”
Hans continued, “It’s important to be clear: Schlögel calls for escalating the war. If it were up to him, we’d be marching on Russia already. History shows, though, that the West provoked this by NATO’s encirclement of Russia. Russia’s resources make it a coveted prize. This has always been true for the German bourgeoisie. But now, amid a new capitalist crisis, these tensions come to the surface even more.”
Reflecting on his own experience as a temporary worker, Hans noted that the push toward war is accompanied by stark social polarization and growing inequality. Rejecting the scapegoating of foreigners or refugees, he warned, “The so-called middle class is collapsing under big capital’s pressure, and politicians blame foreigners. That’s classic fascism.”
Regarding precarious work, Hans stated, “Temporary labor is spreading everywhere. It resembles a hybrid of market capitalism and organized crime. Mafia-like structures are gaining ground.” He credited the WSWS, a long-time source for his analysis, with helping him deepen his understanding of these issues: “For anyone wanting to grasp what’s really going on, reading the WSWS is invaluable. It’s crucial to go beyond surface-level views and study history—especially the history of the Trotskyist movement.”
Original article: wsws
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