Documents unsealed by a federal court reveal alarming new information about how associates of Trump tried to stage a coup against a government they evidently misunderstood. This rare insight into the conspirators and their schemes—from terrorism to false flag operations—may shed light on the impending U.S. military action against Venezuela.
The individual held responsible by authorities, Jordan Goudreau, disclosed to The Grayzone that:
- He entered into a $221 million agreement with Juan Guaidó amid the U.S. efforts, both overt and covert, to establish Guaidó as Venezuela’s legitimate leader.
- Senior Trump officials such as Elliot Abrams, John Bolton, the chief CIA Latin America officer, and a top advisor on the National Security Council seemed aware of the invasion plan and possibly took part in its coordination.
- Members of Trump’s circle created a shell company aimed at profiting from a post-Maduro Venezuela after a Guaidó ally urged them to “act now, get companies and get paid.”
- The CIA and a propaganda firm linked with intelligence, The Rendon Group, have sabotaged essential Venezuelan infrastructure “for a decade or so.”
- A proposal delivered to Vice President Pence’s office outlined “false flag” operations in Venezuela, infectious disease spread within the military, and funding through the “expropriation” of “drug product.”
- Roen Kraft, a wealthy financier with intelligence ties recruited to fund parts of the mission, told the FBI he concluded “if Venezuelans see something they will steal it,” accusing Guaidó’s circle of embezzling $200,000 in humanitarian aid.
- Conspirators shared with the FBI their perception of the Venezuelan opposition as hopelessly corrupt after seeing leaders squander vast sums “on hookers, thousand dollar bottles of wine, and nail appointments for their girlfriends.”
On the morning of May 3, 2020, two small boats with outboard motors navigated the coastal waters near La Guaria, Venezuela. Unlike the fifteen speedboats recently sunk by the U.S. Navy, these vessels were not suspected of carrying drugs. Instead, they carried former U.S. special forces soldiers who hoped to be welcomed as liberators by the Venezuelan people.
Among the few Venezuelans trained in the Colombian jungle, former Green Berets Airan Berry and Luke Denman intended to spark a violent national revolt aimed at overthrowing and abducting President Nicolas Maduro.
Hours later, both men were filmed on a fishing village dock, pinned face-down and restrained by Venezuelans they assumed they were rescuing. Officially named Operation Gideon, the failed coup became widely known as the “Bay of Piglets,” humorously echoing the botched CIA-backed 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba.
Eight Venezuelan exiles died during the failed 2020 incursion. Prison interviews with the two captured American soldiers were broadcast on Venezuelan television, where Berry and Denman asserted that the operation had been authorized at the highest levels, pointing directly to President Trump as the principal architect.
Mike Pompeo, then Secretary of State, denied any “direct” U.S. government involvement. Since then, Washington has presented the affair as an unsanctioned venture by a rogue mercenary named Jordan Goudreau. The decorated ex-Green Beret, now front-and-center as the face of Operation Gideon, was arrested in 2024 and charged with 14 counts related to a federal claim that he conspired to smuggle weapons through Colombia before the coup attempt, with potential sentences totaling up to ten years.
In interviews with The Grayzone, Goudreau insisted he was personally recruited by Donald Trump’s security chief Keith Schiller to lead a coup against Venezuela and that the operation proceeded with U.S. government knowledge and approval.
Goudreau’s legal team recently accessed previously undisclosed evidence regarding the individuals behind the plot. The Grayzone is among the first to review FBI interviews with participants, showing top Trump aides, Colombian government figures, CIA operatives, and officials from Vice President Pence’s office had foreknowledge of the plan. The documents strongly imply that, at various points, the U.S. government monitored and supported the venture, which benefited American financiers and Washington-funded Venezuelan opposition leaders.
Under the guise of promoting “democracy” and targeting “bad actors,” Washington insiders who hired Goudreau to lead the effort were primarily motivated by greed. Eager to seize Venezuela’s abundant oil and mineral resources and secure lucrative contracts after Maduro’s removal, these coup architects embarked on a self-enriching enterprise that culminated in disgrace.
The files also reveal recorded conversations, emails, and elaborate coup and terrorist attack proposals by influential Venezuelan opposition figures. Collectively, they offer a damning depiction of the political circle the U.S. has supported over two decades. Common accusations among those involved in Operation Gideon described top opposition leaders as not only inept and degenerate but also prone to pilfering from their Washington backers.
Those implicated in corruption within the Operation Gideon files remain poised to assume power should the U.S. military’s planned show of force, ordered by Trump for October, succeed in toppling Venezuela’s government. The group includes two opposition leaders mocked by a U.S. operation financier as “Beavis and Butt-head,” along with their former chief Leopoldo López and his deputy Juan Guaidó—whom one FBI file describes as a possible recipient of “drug dealer” funding.
Yet, the sole individual to face U.S. criminal charges over Operation Gideon is the former Green Beret who orchestrated it. Facing a lengthy federal prison term, Goudreau absconded after skipping bail. Prior to disappearing, he engaged in multiple interviews with The Grayzone and provided an “intel brief” arguing that he would never have led a private armed force into Venezuela without explicit consent from the Trump White House.
‘We Have Many Options For Venezuela’
Venezuela, once a steadfast U.S. ally and trusted Cold War intelligence partner, began to deteriorate in relations with Washington after electing populist Hugo Chávez in 1998. The charismatic army officer, who rose to prominence after an unsuccessful 1992 coup against an unpopular neoliberal regime, launched sweeping anti-poverty programs funded by nationalizing Venezuela’s oil industry.
Through the following decade, Chávez’s initiatives improved living standards and increased oil production, lowering extreme poverty by two-thirds as oil export revenues quadrupled. Yet Washington disapproved, responding in 2002 by orchestrating a coup that briefly ousted Chávez for nearly 48 hours before mass public protests and loyal military units restored him.
After Chávez’s death in March 2013, his preferred successor, Foreign Minister Nicolás Maduro, was elected. Within a year, President Barack Obama imposed broad sanctions against Venezuela, citing alleged human rights violations to justify targeting the oil industry and paving the way for multiple violent regime change campaigns.
As tensions grew between Maduro’s government and U.S.-backed opposition, violent street protests crippled Venezuela’s economy. Maduro dissolved the opposition-controlled National Assembly and called new elections in 2017. In response, Trump escalated threats, warning invasion was possible if Maduro refused to step down.
“We have many options for Venezuela, including a possible military option, if necessary,” Trump stated at a press briefing that August.
Maduro was declared the winner of a snap 2018 presidential election that the Trump administration denounced as illegitimate. The following year, Washington recognized National Assembly leader Juan Guaidó as Venezuela’s president, citing a little-known constitutional clause to challenge Maduro’s legitimacy.
This recognition allowed the U.S. to seize Venezuela’s gold reserves held at the Bank of England and appropriate Citgo, the international arm of its state oil company PDVSA. By diverting billions from Caracas, the U.S. not only deepened poverty and fueled mass migration but also enabled corruption among opposition figures funded by the stolen assets.
Yet, similar to earlier failed attempts to remove Venezuela’s socialist leadership, Guaidó’s faux presidency unraveled humiliatingly. It began with a botched February 2019 attempt to push large USAID aid shipments across the Venezuelan-Colombian border.
The death of Venezuela Aid Live
The plan sought to force caravans of aid trucks into Venezuela under a humanitarian pretext. If Maduro’s forces blocked the shipments, the opposition would accuse him of denying aid to a desperate population. If successful, such a breach would inspire a wider revolt.
However, the stunt quickly failed when border guards stopped the aid, and opposition hooligans set parts of it on fire while stealing the remainder. Attempts to pin blame on Maduro’s forces fell apart after Max Blumenthal and local reporters exposed the opposition’s role.
The concurrent Live Aid concert in Cúcuta, Colombia, sponsored by neoliberal British billionaire Richard Branson, was also poorly received, with much of the proceeds looted by Venezuelan opposition figures. Polls found less than 1% of attendees stayed to assist following the star-studded event.
Meanwhile, opposition-leaning media revealed Guaidó’s allies had embezzled significant sums earmarked for Venezuelan soldiers who defected to Colombia to join the anti-Maduro rebellion. Ultimately, these soldiers were left destitute in Cúcuta while top opposition figures squandered their shares on prostitutes and luxury hotels. Two of these would-be coup plotters, Freddy Superlano and his cousin Carlos José Salinas, were found drugged and robbed in their hotel room after paying two prostitutes with stolen aid funds.
Additionally, Guaidó was photographed shortly before the aid stunt on the Colombian side of the border with leaders of the notorious Los Rastrojos drug cartel, who reportedly smuggled him into Venezuela.
Following the humanitarian intervention’s failure and dwindling options to remove Maduro, the Trump administration took dramatic steps to encourage private coup attempts. On March 26, 2019, the Justice Department offered a $15 million reward for information leading to Maduro’s capture.
At that time, Goudreau was assessing an invasion of Venezuela to claim the bounty and make a name for himself as a mercenary. After distinguished tours in Iraq and Afghanistan, recognized for his human intelligence abilities, Goudreau transitioned into private security. He worked at least one Trump campaign rally, evidenced by a photo on his security firm’s Instagram showing him among Trump’s security at a 2018 event in Charlotte, NC. The following year, he helped provide security at the Live Aid concert on the Colombia-Venezuela border.
During this period, Goudreau said he first met Keith Schiller, Donald Trump’s longtime security chief and a key figure in several Trump family international ventures.
In early 2019, Schiller was among several Trump associates, Beltway lawyers, and industry opportunists collectively forming “Global Governments,” a secretive group eager to secure contracts in a fantasy post-Maduro Venezuela. Though the group made its mark, the outcome was far from what they envisioned.
Profiting from regime change
In an interview with The Grayzone’s Max Blumenthal, Goudreau described the Global Governments consortium’s motives as straightforward: “They wanted business contracts. They sought to monetize the aftermath of a Maduro-free Venezuela.”
Besides Schiller, the internal documents identify “The Team” members as:
- Roen Kraft, a senior logistics and transportation advisor whose first name is not publicly disclosed but may be Timothy. According to a Global Governments associate, “Kraft had experience in energy, oil, gas, mining, international business, including work in hostile Nigeria.” Kraft later told the FBI he intended to fund future humanitarian efforts in Venezuela and recoup losses through oil deals after Maduro’s removal. It remains unclear if Kraft is linked to the Kraft cheese fortune, as some outlets speculated.
- Nestor Sainz, a former State Department officer based in DC, served as Global Governments’ bridge between Beltway contacts and the Venezuelan opposition. FBI interviews reveal Sainz had ties to key associates of Leopoldo López, a leading US-backed Venezuelan opposition figure.
- Gary Compton, longtime counsel and lobbyist to energy magnate T. Boone Pickens, was described by associates as an oil and energy expert. He was a former partner at the Travis Lucas law firm, frequently attending Venezuela-related meetings.
- German Chica, a Venezuelan opposition figure who occasionally participated as an intermediary with anti-Maduro groups. Chica served as governor for the Luna Foundation, dedicated to women’s rights and partnered with Global Governments.
- Andrew Davis, chairman of the Catalan America Council, a lobby group for Catalan independence from Spain.
- Travis Lucas, Schiller’s Washington-based lawyer, formerly represented Vice President Mike Pence and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Though not formally listed as a Global Governments member, Lucas provided potential access to Trump administration leaders.
Global Governments secured its sole client in early 2019 when Sainz approached Republican consultant Dick Morris to promote plans for lucrative contracts after Maduro’s removal. Morris contacted Chris Larsen, his brother-in-law and head of international construction firm Halmar, who expressed strong interest.
In February 2019, Larsen met with Kraft, Sainz, German Chica, and Morris at Global Governments’ DC office. Larsen liked what he heard and became the firm’s only client, providing an initial $16,000 retainer and pledging six more payments. However, after spending nearly $100,000, Larsen withdrew, frustrated by the project’s slow progress.
An FBI document notes, “They had not achieved anything for Larsen after several months, so he wanted out. Larsen’s check was cashed and split among the Global Governments team.”
Although struggling, Sainz told the FBI it was clear Global Governments prepared for a military operation in Venezuela – a belief shared by Goudreau.
“At our first meeting, everyone knew I was leading a military coup,” Goudreau stated.
‘Act now, get companies, and get paid’
“It all started at a University Club Washington meeting on March 19, 2019,” recalled Lester Toledo, Guaidó’s self-styled aid director, describing his initial gathering with Trump associates and Global Governments principals at a private club in Washington DC. The group convened to strategize following Guaidó’s failed humanitarian aid stunt the previous month.
Present were Sainz, Schiller, Lucas, Kraft, and representatives from Danish shipping company Maersk, slated to handle logistics for future aid efforts.
Toledo told the FBI, “No military action was discussed at this meeting.”
Two weeks later, he received a text from Schiller introducing Goudreau as a potential security lead for aid shipments. In a later FBI interview, Schiller confirmed this but asserted Goudreau was never meant to lead a private military invasion.
In early April, Goudreau and Schiller met Toledo in Boca Raton, Florida. Schiller expressed concern about securing humanitarian aid if Maduro were ousted by force, warning, “There might be a disaster.”
On April 16, 2019, Schiller arranged a call to connect Goudreau with Global Governments’ corporate affairs director.
As Global Governments drew nearer to Guaidó’s inner circle, adviser and ex-State Department official Nestor Sainz learned of a key opposition strategy to provoke a military uprising and seize power by force.
In an extensive FBI interview, Sainz stated that a close Guaidó confidant, Pedro Paul Betancourt, tipped him off about the coup at least a year prior. Betancourt marketed the plot to potential U.S. backers as an opportunity to “act now, get companies, and get paid.”
Though Sainz claimed he only sought to facilitate oil and construction firms’ entry into Venezuela, newly revealed documents and testimonies show frequent discussions of military action against Maduro.
On April 13, 2019, Kraft sent an email stating, “Few believe Venezuela will have a government change without military action. Doors are closing around Maduro and actions are underway to assure his fall.”
Kraft noted the opposition requested a proposal outlining supplies and assets staging near borders to facilitate military action, suggesting Curaçao as a strategic base due to Venezuela’s disabled navy and border bases opposite Colombia.
He also discussed seeking Inter-American Development Bank funding but warned the IADB would only pay for mercenaries masquerading as health and safety personnel: “IADB will not pay for warfighters or security. They must be invoiced as HSE personnel,” he wrote.
The coup plan hinged on defections from Venezuelan military commanders and aimed at seizing the Miraflores Palace.
However, Guaidó’s April 30, 2019 attempt ended even worse than the previous failed aid effort. The military remained loyal to Maduro, leaving opposition forces isolated and outmatched in Caracas, where all were killed or arrested.
A widely circulated image showed Guaidó abandoned and despondent on an overpass with mentor Leopoldo López.
This failure marked the beginning of the end for Guaidó’s cause, which culminated in a series of public embarrassments before fading. He fled to Miami in 2021, holding a symbolic professorship at Florida International University’s right-wing Adam Smith Center for Economic Freedom, alongside other washed-up Latin American conservatives.
Hours after the failed uprising, then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo sought to boost morale, stating in a Fox Business interview that Trump remained open to military intervention: “The president has been crystal clear and consistent: military action is possible. If necessary, the United States will act.”
The plan shifted focus as Global Governments turned to Venezuelan opposition figures claimed to be CIA assets for assistance.
Introducing ‘Beavis and Butt-head’ and their ‘CIA handler’
On May 3, Nestor Sainz requested Goudreau to present himself and his firm Silvercorp USA to the Global Governments team.
Two days later, Goudreau emailed Sainz and Schiller with “peaceful options” for regime change, emphasizing no “foreign military involvement nor contractor participation,” contrasting with “the U.S. military option.”
Despite that, Goudreau acknowledged American intervention could be deadly and potentially spark civil war, noting he’d experienced such situations in the Middle East.
By then, Goudreau was regularly participating in Global Governments’ and Venezuelan opposition discussions. While accounts vary, Sainz’s FBI account aligns substantially with Goudreau’s.
Through Sainz, Goudreau and Global Governments connected with two Venezuelan opposition activists close to Washington and reportedly linked to the CIA: Lester Toledo, Guaidó’s aid director, and Jorge Betancourt Silva, described by Toledo as “the right hand” of Leopoldo López.
Goudreau described Betancourt as a shadowy figure invisible in news media, “well protected.” Indeed, public information is sparse, but Venezuelan blogs and FBI interviews reveal him as a former López bodyguard with questionable behavior.
Born in the mountain town of Caripe, Betancourt was likely introduced to opposition circles by Carlos Vecchio, a Venezuelan lawyer representing ExxonMobil, who became Guaidó’s U.S. ‘ambassador.’ López often referred to Betancourt as his “brother” in social media posts, and photos from López’s 2020 trip to Cúcuta show Betancourt acting as his bodyguard.
Betancourt’s family is also active in opposition politics. The U.S.-backed delegation negotiating with the Venezuelan government in Mexico in 2021 included Betancourt’s sister-in-law Claudia Nikken.
Toledo helped López found the U.S.-funded Voluntad Popular party, responsible for violent 2014 uprisings with armed barricades known as guarimbas. Toledo led opposition forces in Zulia and fled to Spain to avoid arrest before relocating to South Florida to continue organizing unrest with U.S. support.
In February 2019, Toledo represented Guaidó at the failed humanitarian concert at Cúcuta. Since 2019, he has also advised El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, dubbed “the world’s coolest dictator,” who has permitted the Trump administration to imprison and mistreat deported Venezuelan migrants at the notorious CECOT Supermax prison.
In 2024, Toledo began advising Colombian presidential hopeful Uribe Turbay in efforts to oust the current left-wing government and facilitate Maduro’s departure by 2026, according to Infobae.
Colombia’s left-wing President Gustavo Petro has become a prime target of U.S. sanctions and increasingly harsh rhetoric from Trump.
Yet, in his 2020 FBI interview, Toledo downplayed military plots, presenting himself as a humanitarian aid director.
Sainz painted the pair differently, telling the FBI that Toledo and Betancourt’s ambitions extended far beyond aid, including orchestrating power outages, social unrest, and a military coup.
During a May 11, 2019 meeting at a Miami WeWork office, Sainz realized the opposition was planning to overthrow Maduro. Attendees, including Kraft, Schiller, Goudreau, Bonaventura, and Betancourt, were asked to leave cell phones outside the room.
Learning that Betancourt and Toledo were plotting blackouts, unrest, and military action from Colombia, “Goudreau raised his hand and said he could help,” Sainz recalled. This marked the point when he recognized their involvement in destabilization.
At that meeting, Betancourt claimed CIA contacts, likely including Juan Cruz, a longtime intelligence operator and former CIA station chief in Colombia who later led the agency’s Latin America division.
The Venezuelan opposition operatives first met the Global Governments team at the Washington DC University Club gathering. There, they sought large funding from Kraft, the principal financier, which he recalled with little enthusiasm.
According to the FBI, Kraft disparagingly called Jorge and Toledo “Beavis and Butt-head,” describing them as childish and lacking class or intellect. He questioned why they requested hundreds of millions with no clear plan, though they claimed to represent the new Venezuelan government under Guaidó.
The duo proposed transporting shipping containers to Venezuela at triple Kraft’s expected cost, leading him to suspect profiteering.
Goudreau confirmed to Kraft he was cheated out of nearly $30,000, which Toledo and Jorge spent extravagantly on hotels, expensive drinks, and prostitutes.
The FBI interview states, “Goudreau said Toledo and Jorge ran up his credit card bills with expenses on hookers, thousand-dollar wine bottles, and nail appointments for their girlfriends.”
Kraft insisted he wanted no military role, aiming only to protect humanitarian shipments. He was told that if he facilitated resource delivery during the opposition’s entrance, he’d be the lead contractor in Venezuela.
Despite his disinterest, Kraft expressed distrust of Venezuelan culture, saying “if Venezuelans see something they will steal it.” He cited an unnamed couple accused of embezzling about $200,000 from the Branson-aided 2019 humanitarian concert in Cúcuta as evidence.
Bioterror, false flag, and PSYOP pitches amid blackouts
In October 2025, as President Trump escalated his Venezuela military campaign, he reportedly authorized the CIA to conduct “lethal” operations inside the country.
After collaborating closely with the U.S.-backed opposition, Goudreau came to believe that U.S. intelligence had been sabotaging Venezuelan infrastructure for years, supporting Maduro’s claims that opposition forces were responsible “any time the lights go out.”
He singled out The Rendon Group, a mysterious PR firm connected to the CIA, established by former Democratic operative John Rendon. Known for funding the 1990s CIA campaigns to topple Saddam Hussein, The Rendon Group boasts a history of involvement in every U.S. war since Panama, except Somalia.
Goudreau told The Grayzone The Rendon Group “had been conducting or facilitating attacks on Venezuela’s infrastructure for about a decade,” operating as “TS/SCI [Top Secret/Sensitive Compartmented Information] projects run by the CIA via private contractors.”
Rolling Stone reporter James Bamford disclosed Pentagon documents revealing Rendon was authorized to access top-secret intelligence from all collection methods, underscoring the firm’s deep integration with intelligence operations.
Goudreau also linked the CIA’s sabotage to Venezuela’s oil sector, highlighting a deadly 2012 refinery explosion that killed nearly 50 people.
“This was a major attack, killing many Venezuelans, executed by U.S. intelligence collaborating with opposition saboteurs,” he said.
Among additional evidence given to Goudreau was an email from an organization called Virtual Democracy with an attached proposal aimed at creating “conditions of ungovernability” in Venezuela to depose Maduro.
Sent on December 8, 2019, to Mike Pence’s aide Drew Horn by former Venezuelan anti-narcotics official Johan Obdola, the proposal was attributed to six individuals including Rear Admiral Molina Tamayo, a senior 2002 coup participant against Chávez. Addressed to Pence, the document—poorly written and grammatically flawed—outlines terrorist attacks including “false flag” operations, spreading infectious diseases in Caracas clubs frequented by officials, and funding insurgency through “drug product” expropriation.
The plan called for training 400 to 500 fighters at Camp Moyock, North Carolina, a facility run by the U.S. private military firm Academi (formerly Blackwater), owned by Trump associate Erik Prince, who vowed to lead an invasion to oust Maduro.
Goudreau dismissed this as unrealistic, telling The Grayzone, “Five hundred men can’t punch through 50,000 troops with air support. Erik Prince’s helicopters wouldn’t even scratch the paint.”
Obdola denied knowledge of the document’s extreme proposals, claiming opposition figures manipulated the content. While the digital signature was confirmed as his, he was surprised it was emailed to Horn from his personal account.
Once aligned with Guaidó’s transitional government plans, Obdola later broke with the opposition, criticizing them as “vultures” who stole U.S. funds.
Though the opposition may never have carried out Virtual Democracy’s terror proposals, U.S. intelligence continues infrastructure sabotage against Maduro in hopes of provoking rebellion.
On March 7, 2019, Venezuela experienced its worst blackout ever after a supposed malfunction at the Simon Bolivar hydroelectric dam supplying nearly 75% of the country’s electricity.
Shortly after, Senator Marco Rubio took to social media celebrating the outage affecting 18 of 23 states and the capital, including the main airport without functioning power. It was unclear how a U.S. Senator obtained such detailed grid information before an official statement from Caracas.
Secretary Pompeo joined the celebration, tweeting, “No food. No medicine. Now, no power. Next, no Maduro.” Guaidó tweeted support: “the light will return when the usurpation [of Maduro] ends.”
Further sabotage was detailed in a 2024 Wired article revealing a 2019 CIA cyberattack on Venezuelan soldiers’ payroll systems, involving four Trump officials and CIA operatives.
Despite the covert attacks irritating the Venezuelan government, no significant change occurred. Meanwhile, Goudreau’s plot advanced.
Meetings planned with John Bolton and Elliot Abrams
Sainz said that by May 11, 2019, at a Global Governments meeting with Betancourt, all were aware Goudreau was planning a military operation in Venezuela. Schiller instructed that any White House communications be routed through him.
Kraft pledged to contact State Department members and high-ranking officials John Bolton, then White House National Security Adviser, and Elliott Abrams, U.S. special envoy to Venezuela. Both have long histories opposing independent governments globally. Bolton, George W. Bush’s Under Secretary for Arms Control, played a major role in fabricating intel to justify the Iraq War.
Bolton obsessed over overthrowing governments like Iran and Venezuela. Maduro accused Bolton of orchestrating a failed 2018 drone assassination attempt and told The Grayzone, “John Bolton tried to kill me.”
In a 2022 CNN interview, Bolton admitted to helping plan coups abroad.
Abrams was convicted for lying to Congress about Iran-Contra involvement, funneled funds to death squads despite congressional bans, and was linked to the 2002 Venezuelan coup.
According to Sainz, Kraft informed him SOUTHCOM Commander Craig Faller demanded “transparency” in the operation, which reinforced the perception of U.S. government endorsement.
Goudreau told The Grayzone Betancourt also met with Abrams and Pompeo, remarking “It was strange because Betancourt was an utter buffoon.”
‘Next steps’ to ‘recapture the country’
On May 14, 2019, Sainz emailed Kraft, Schiller, Lucas, and others, urging confidentiality. He summarized a recent Betancourt meeting attended by his brother Pedro Paul Betancourt, Hector Di Bonaventura (Toledo’s Miami aide), and Daniel Echenagucia, arrested in Venezuela in 2024 for conspiracy, terrorism, and treason.
Sainz described Betancourt as “the senior voice behind Leopoldo López,” delivering a report covering humanitarian aid and human rights as well as more dangerous topics like rebellion strategy and military support. Betancourt was assigned to coordinate “all matters associated with the Liberation of Venezuela.”
Given the current regime was “broke” and unable to support the military, the opposition seized the opportunity to communicate with armed forces, creating a database detailing names, ranks, addresses, and family of key military personnel—an act any military would consider hostile.
The email and Kraft’s approval make clear the Global Governments team knew of the violent coup plans by Goudreau and opposition leaders. Their only disagreement was on tactics.
Betancourt outlined three goals: to “create and execute a strategy to oust the regime,” implement a “Sustainability Strategic Plan” during transition, and ultimately “recapture the country.”
Betancourt worried about sustaining power post-coup, proposing three working groups in Washington, Miami, and Bogota. For the Washington group, he wanted Global Governments’ collaboration with The Rendon Group.
His document concluded with “next steps,” including a video call with Leopoldo López and arranging Jordan’s visit to Bogota.
About a week later, on May 20, 2019, Sainz, Schiller, Kraft, Toledo, and Betancourt met at a Boca Raton Hilton hotel and conferred via video with López.
Sainz recalled Schiller pledging support to López and handing out White House pens and Trump administration challenge coins, creating the impression the White House backed the project.
The ‘Rebellion Strategy’
By June, Goudreau was holed up near Bogotá with Toledo and Betancourt. According to Toledo, Goudreau transformed the home into an elaborate war room, with Venezuelan maps, coordinates, and photos of key targets including Maduro and top ministers Jorge and Delcy Rodriguez.
Notes pinned to a wall featured coded steps before, during, and after the coup, notably misspelling “Narrative” as “Narative.”
However, Goudreau and Betancourt clashed over operational details. A June 2, 2020 photo showed Betancourt’s handwritten “Rebellion Strategy,” listing code names and military targets. The plan outlined prison riots, misinformation, a misdirection campaign in the Pomones region, covert ops, and an assault on Venezuela’s Sukhoi jet fleet, culminating in a “popular rebellion.”
Goudreau said Betancourt authored the document, placing himself at the top of the command chain. He alleged Betancourt and Toledo intended to pay opposition members to instigate jail riots as a catalyst for nationwide insurrection.
“Betancourt and Toledo were fixated on the ‘popular rebellion,’” Goudreau said. “I thought it was ridiculous after the April 19 failure, but placated Betancourt.”
He added, “I needed military support, but the Venezuelan military hated Betancourt, Toledo, Leopoldo López, and Guaidó—and with good reason.”
Goudreau said Betancourt and his group despised the military leaders so intensely, especially Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino and Constituent Assembly leader Diosdado Cabello, that they fantasized about killing them. “They were furious when I suggested letting them flee or be captured.”
On June 19, 2019, Goudreau shared his own regime change plan during a Bogotá meeting with Sainz, Toledo, and Betancourt.
The meeting derailed when Venezuelan ex-Major General Clíver Alcalá, a former Chávez loyalist turned opposition figure with alleged drug trade involvement, joined. Guaidó’s allies distrusted him, fearing his presence could damage their image in Washington.
Toledo told the FBI he was shocked, likening it to “coming face to face with the enemy.” Goudreau countered that Toledo introduced him to Alcalá.
Code-named “Cesar,” Alcalá trained Venezuelan deserters abandoned by Guaidó after the failed 2019 coup and was assigned operational leadership.
“General Cliver Alcalá was in charge,” Goudreau said. “I planned to link with units Alcalá collected inside Venezuela to spark a rebellion.”
Goudreau’s role was to provide U.S. endorsement, reassuring Venezuelan soldiers by showing a “gringo” face backing the operation.
Initially wary of Alcalá’s Chávez roots, Goudreau said the general was honest and ultimately a valuable ally to attract moderate factions opposed to Guaidó.
Together, they devised a plan for U.S. special operations veterans to train Venezuelan military defectors exiled in Colombia. Goudreau claimed his team would infiltrate Venezuela and link up with supposed rebel units. Toledo called it a “suicide mission.”
Goudreau disputes claims he sought to capture or kill Maduro, instead aiming to distract him to enable installing a junta.
He sensed many opposition leaders opposed Alcalá’s prominence, suspecting Betancourt and Toledo among them. This was confirmed when a former Venezuelan National Guard commander, Arturo José Gómez Morante, secretly recorded a June 2019 Bogotá meeting.
The recording reveals Betancourt and Toledo disparaging Alcalá, discussing limiting his role while planning to help lift U.S. sanctions on opposition leaders—except Alcalá.
Toledo admitted to meeting with pro-U.S. Colombian former President Álvaro Uribe, who allegedly approved the plot. He identified Colombia’s then-ambassador to the U.S. Francisco Santos Calderón (“Pacho Santos”) as orchestrating the efforts.
“I talked to Ambassador Pacho Santos, the boldest in this,” Toledo said. Santos proposed a “staged plan” to deploy 38 men against leftist ELN paramilitaries.
“Finally they grew some balls, brother,” Toledo exclaimed. Santos requested “coordination between the CIA people and here locally,” pointing to Juan Cruz, former CIA Latin American chief.
Toledo said he hadn’t met Cruz until introduced by the ambassador but trusted him more than Trump for operational leadership.
When Morante noted this implied CIA awareness of their plans, Toledo confirmed, “Of course.”
Toledo said with CIA and Colombian backing, he would supply weapons and lead the operation. However, one obstacle remained: “Cesar,” the code name for Alcalá.
Leopoldo López had provided Toledo with a list of 22 prohibited individuals, “the first being Cesar.”
After learning of the secret recording, Toledo distrusted Morante. Despite the fracturing opposition, Goudreau persisted.
A contract to “capture/detain/remove”
Back in the U.S., Kraft claimed he met President Trump after a North Carolina rally in 2019, discussing weapons and funding arrangements for the Venezuela project.
Goudreau says Kraft told him he met Vice President Pence that summer and briefed him on the project’s status. Although frequenting the White House, Kraft failed to provide necessary funding.
By mid-2019, Goudreau’s expenses mounted, and payment from Global Governments stalled.
Toledo said he severed ties with Goudreau after a heated meeting where Goudreau demanded payment and tried to show weapons. Toledo told him to leave and warned opposition leaders that Goudreau was a “loose cannon.”
Despite losing Kraft’s backing and Toledo’s support, Goudreau tapped other contacts, including Juan Jose “J.J.” Rendón, a TED-speaking celebrity adviser to pro-U.S. Latin American politicians with a controversial history of alleged payments from drug cartels.
Rendón, influential across the Venezuelan border, was appointed by Guaidó as director of his Strategy Committee targeting Maduro’s removal.
Over ensuing months, Goudreau and Rendón negotiated a contract authorizing Goudreau’s leadership of the coup with Guaidó’s financial backing. The document permitted use of lethal force, detention of civilians, and agreed on concealment tactics to ensure the coup appeared solely Venezuelan.
Silvercorp USA was to receive a non-refundable $1.5 million retainer. The contract’s mission was to “capture/detain/remove” Maduro and regime members, installing Guaidó. Success would trigger a $10 million bonus. The operation’s total estimated cost reached $212.9 million. The contract included a clause allowing Guaidó’s administration to deny all knowledge if the coup failed.
Guaidó was listed atop the command structure, assuring Goudreau he acted with White House and Venezuela’s U.S.-backed interim government blessing.
However, some Guaidó allies grew hesitant. Toledo cited an October 15, 2019 meeting in Colombia, hosted by Colombian intelligence chief Rodolfo Amaya and involving a CIA representative, where the group concluded Maduro had infiltrated Goudreau’s network.
Goudreau said the CIA official—likely Juan Cruz—arranged the meeting, after which opposition enthusiasm cooled.
Toledo said he wasn’t sure if Guaidó was informed of the anti-Goudreau memo from Colombia but noted Rendón continued negotiating with Goudreau.
Despite warnings, Guaidó signed the contract on October 16, 2019.
The Grayzone reviewed audio of the signing, affirming the signer likely was Guaidó. Since then, Guaidó has denied signing, falsely claiming the signature was forged by Maduro’s regime—an allegation rejected by over 95% of Venezuelans in a survey. Shortly after, Rendón wired Goudreau $50,000 as the first retainer installment.
Throughout negotiations, Goudreau kept Global Governments informed, sharing contract drafts with Sainz, who advised legal consultation and shared details with lawyer Travis Lucas, close to Mike Pompeo.
Goudreau said having a contract authorizing the operation mattered more than the money. He is suing Rendón for breach of contract over unpaid retainer balance.
Shortly after signing, Goudreau met at the Trump International Hotel with Lucas and attorney George Sorial, former Trump Organization compliance chief, to review the contract.
Sainz recalled Goudreau discussing this meeting, while Sorial told The Grayzone he “never met” Goudreau.
During these months, Goudreau reconnected with Schiller at the White House, who purportedly assured him of “the boss’s support.”
White House visitor logs show Schiller visited Trump on October 16, 2019—the contract signing day. Schiller confirmed meeting Goudreau at the Trump Hotel but denied discussing Global Governments or the coup with Trump or staff.
Even if truthful, Schiller’s denial doesn’t negate Goudreau’s assertion of White House authorization.
At contract finalization, Goudreau was introduced to Drew Horn, a Vice President Pence policy adviser, through Lucas.
In a 2021 FBI interview, Horn described the encounter as “cloak and dagger,” with only first names known and reassurances from Lucas that Goudreau’s work was legal and humanitarian.
Lucas declined comment on interactions with Goudreau but denied involvement in the failed coup or knowledge prior to the attempt.
An invoice from Goudreau shows he paid Lucas $30,000 for legal services related to navigating federal firearms regulations.
‘We don’t care how bloody it gets’
Evidence implicates Horn more deeply. Signal message transcripts reveal extensive chats and meetings with Goudreau from November 2019 to February 2020.
Horn, regretting his involvement, told the FBI he “acted like an idiot” by helping Goudreau.
On November 26, 2019, the two exchanged introductory texts. The following evening, Horn proposed a meeting at P.J. Clarke’s restaurant near the White House, noting a quiet basement space.
Horn told Goudreau, “I talked to my State Department contacts, good conversations.”
At the subsequent meeting, Horn allegedly said, “We don’t care how bloody it gets; when this is done, the money will flow.”
Jordan said, “He was excited someone was working on this. We collaborated for months, with Horn relaying at the highest level that this was authorized.”
Jason Beardsley, another Green Beret and Department of Veterans Affairs employee, was also present.
Emails indicate Horn pitched Beardsley for special operations or counter-terrorism roles at the Department of Defense in late 2019. Beardsley confirmed membership in the JSOC community during a 2023 podcast.
In a 2022 FBI interview, Beardsley recalled meeting Goudreau once, exchanging few texts, and denied phone calls. He called Goudreau “a cowboy” aiming to detach him from Venezuela plans.
Despite distancing, Goudreau noted Horn and Beardsley maintained contact with him.
On December 9, 2019, Horn messaged Goudreau about progress made by Beardsley developing plans: “We’ve war-gamed things out to the best of our ability, [Jason’s] got the next step.”
Visitor logs confirm Beardsley attended a December 10 White House meeting with Joseph Wier, NSC foreign military sales director. Supplies reaching Colombian defectors were non-lethal and sourced from a Miami arms dealer described as a Venezuelan patriot with Latin American firearms contracts.
The FBI suspects Mark Von Reitzenstein, a Doral, Florida arms dealer whose company supplies the Ecuadorian military and Israeli forces.
Beardsley texted Goudreau on December 11 seeking another meeting and referencing “interested parties” involving equity, finance, politics, operations, and regional experts. They planned a December 16 meeting, which Goudreau rescheduled due to other commitments.
Beardsley said the meeting aim was to “shock reality” into Goudreau, urging him to “put up or shut up.”
Although Beardsley claimed these tactics were meant to disengage Goudreau, they occurred amidst renewed White House interest in Venezuela. Defense Secretary Mark Esper wrote about Pentagon discussions of “next steps in Venezuela” in December 2019.
Kraft meets “The Little Doctor” and “Baby Eater”
In late 2019, Kraft maintained regular calls with opposition leader Leopoldo López, who remained holed up in the Spanish embassy in Caracas after his failed coup. López inquired if Goudreau could capture Maduro. Kraft said Goudreau and associates would be killed before reaching Maduro; López showed no reaction.
During Christmas, two opposition operatives sent by López arrived by Learjet in Minot, North Dakota, and met Kraft for lunch. One, heavily tattooed and introducing himself as “The Little Doctor,” and another named “Carlos,” maintained anonymity. Kraft identified them as intelligence operatives with Venezuelan military connections.
FBI later identified “The Little Doctor” as Cesar Omaña, a little-known but key opposition figure involved in conspiracies to undermine Maduro. Omaña helped López escape the Spanish embassy and facilitated former Caracas police chief Ivan Simonovis’s escape from house arrest; Simonovis became a U.S. government asset and security director for opposition leader Maria Corina Machado.
Omaña also recruited General Manuel Christopher Figuera, ex-chief of Venezuela’s SEBIN intelligence, as an informant for a failed May Day 2019 uprising.
Omaña was reportedly close to Betancourt, covering hotel bills during their Bogotá stays, alongside Goudreau and Toledo, who allegedly racked up further expenses on prostitutes.
Kraft said Omaña and “Carlos” sought contracts from him for business and plotted audacious schemes like commandeering Venezuelan oil freighters headed for Cuba to reroute them to the U.S. Virgin Islands.
Kraft liked the idea but demanded formal clearance from Secretary of State Pompeo before committing. He proposed boarding ships to help captains override control and secure vessels.
Another proposal involved planting counterfeit EU currency on regime diplomats traveling to Europe to expose Venezuelan cocaine trafficking, but Kraft declined, citing the complex tradecraft involved.
After the meeting, Kraft researched Omaña and learned of accusations he defrauded Venezuelans of food aid, damaging Kraft’s view of him.
Rumors in Venezuelan intelligence and opposition circles suggest Omaña may have been a double or triple agent, with reports of his death under suspicious circumstances after returning to Venezuela.
Kraft also agreed to meet another figure codenamed “Baby Eater,” pending Guaidó’s approval.
The Washington Post noted Mauricio Claver-Carone, then NSC Latin America director known for regime change plots in Cuba and Venezuela, was nicknamed “Child Eater” during a 2019 failed rebellion attempt. Claver-Carone later became president of the Inter-American Development Bank before being fired for misconduct. He now serves as U.S. Special Envoy to Latin America.
If Claver-Carone was “Baby Eater,” it supports Goudreau’s claim of direct knowledge by senior Trump officials.
Kraft told the FBI he discussed contracts with Guaidó but reiterated that Maduro’s opponent might need to engage with drug traffickers to fund efforts—a last resort.
Who those traffickers are remains unclear, though photos published in 2019 show Guaidó alongside Los Rastrojos cartel leaders during a smuggling operation.
Gunning for Maduro
As the plot matured, Schiller applied for an international arms exporter license.
On December 31, 2019, the State Department confirmed receipt of Schiller’s application and fee.
Schiller told the FBI he didn’t discuss arms export regulation with Global Governments or Goudreau, stating he maintained registration for other contractors.
Text logs reveal Beardsley contacted Goudreau on January 7, 2020, asking about progress.
Goudreau replied, “moving fast.”
Beardsley replied offering flexibility and support, which he later described as a signal that Goudreau lacked U.S. government backing and that he expected the plan to fail.
Goudreau dismissed that, saying Beardsley could have simply told him to stop.
On January 25, 2020, Goudreau messaged, “Prep finished. Ready to launch…”
Beardsley claimed ignorance of the meaning; Goudreau found this unlikely, noting the military uses straightforward language.
Guaidó and the White House
By early 2020, Goudreau had his team training Venezuelan opposition forces in Colombia, including Green Berets Berry and Denman.
Goudreau termed the overall plan “Operation Edgemont,” while defectors referred to their initial incursions as “Operation Gideon.”
Trump continued supporting Guaidó, with Guaidó attending Trump’s February 4, 2020 State of the Union, where Trump vowed to break “Maduro’s grip on tyranny.”
The next day, Trump hosted Guaidó at the White House.
Former Defense Secretary Esper wrote that during the White House meeting, Trump asked, “What if the U.S. military went down there and got rid of Maduro?”
Esper recalled the meeting moving to the Cabinet Room, where a Guaidó associate hinted at undisclosed plans, alluding to Florida. The individual exchanged looks with Mauricio Claver-Carone, the NSC official pushing hardest for military action.
On the same day, Beardsley texted Goudreau, “Hope things are good, it was great to see Juan up there last night,” and offered to continue background work to secure support.
Beardsley told the FBI no one in the administration discussed Guaidó with him.
Their last text exchange occurred February 6, 2020, about a planned February 14 meeting that Beardsley said never happened, and he later “ghosted” Goudreau.
Horn told the FBI Goudreau offered to credit the Trump administration for the coup, which Horn rejected, claiming administration opposition to regime change.
Goudreau denied Horn’s version, arguing Horn would have sent a formal cease-and-desist if opposed.
Records show Horn and Goudreau continued communication through May 2020. Horn declined comment.
The Ides of March
Though confidence waned among Venezuelan opposition, Goudreau’s operation unraveled only when weapons shipments came under scrutiny.
On March 23, 2020, Colombian police seized firearms at a roadblock near Pueblo Viejo, intended for Roberto Levid “Pantera” Colina Ibarra, a former Venezuelan army captain training defectors in Colombia.
Venezuela’s Communication Minister Jorge Rodriguez publicly revealed the plot’s exposure, naming the training camps and Pantera’s link to Alcalá, dubbed a “traitor.”
On March 26, the U.S. Department of Justice designated Alcalá a leader of the “Cartel de los Soles,” a military-led drug trafficking ring. The Trump administration resurrected this label to justify bounties and obscure the group’s origins.
In 1993, DEA chief Judge Robert Bonner told 60 Minutes that the Cartel de los Soles trafficked tons of cocaine under CIA watch. The narrative shifted post-Chávez to justify anti-drug operations.
Upon hearing the designation, Goudreau contacted Horn to discuss its implications. Texts show Horn offered to appeal the decision and requested evidence to clear Alcalá.
Emails reveal Horn used his White House account to contact State Department employees Hillary Batjer Johnson and Carrie Filipetti, seeking guidance on appropriate contacts in State and DOJ.
Additional correspondence shows Goudreau contacted Schiller about an “emergent situation” involving “American lives at stake,” but Schiller didn’t respond.
Alcalá surrendered to Colombian authorities on March 27. Horn informed Goudreau that Alcalá would be extradited to the U.S., sidelining a key opposition voice.
Facing betrayal at the hands of Barr and Pompeo, Alcalá pled guilty to supporting FARC rebels and was sentenced to nearly 22 years in U.S. prison, damaging Goudreau’s reputation and recruitment plans.
“After Alcalá’s arrest, the military moved closer to Maduro,” Goudreau told The Grayzone.
Exposed on Venezuelan TV
Post-arrest, Venezuelan officials intensified efforts against Goudreau’s operation. Diosdado Cabello exposed Operation Gideon during a March 28 broadcast of “Con El Mazo Dando,” alleging U.S. mercenaries aimed to capture or kill Venezuelan officials. Cabello displayed footage of Goudreau providing security at a Trump rally, linking the plot to the White House.
Goudreau said this marked when he decided to abort the operation and withdraw by sea, but misfortunes persisted.
After positioning some resources in Jamaica, Goudreau stopped there to collect assets en route to Colombia.
U.S. media cited anonymous sources claiming a CIA representative warned Goudreau against proceeding in Jamaica, a conversation he denies.
He proceeded to Colombia but was stranded at sea when a new engine belt inexplicably broke after only limited use.
“The belts should have lasted much longer,” Goudreau said.
After nearly three days adrift, a Chinese tanker rescued them and returned them to the U.S. Gulf Coast. With his boat disabled and COVID-19 travel restrictions tightening, Goudreau considered his shrinking options.
“need State Department approval to send guns and ammo”
Worried Colombian guerrillas would discover their camps, Goudreau reluctantly pressed forward, hoping the assault force could still coordinate with allies in Venezuela. Though he disliked sending troops into danger without leading them personally, it was the least bad choice.
“I always lead from the front. Venezuela was heartbreaking because my boat broke and I couldn’t lead them,” he lamented.
Two days before launch, the Associated Press published details of a military plan to topple Maduro, revealing parts of Goudreau’s interactions with the opposition and an outdated coup plan.
The May 1, 2020 report described a land convoy moving from Colombia through Zulia state toward Caracas. Toledo confirmed knowledge of such a plan.
Though the AP report compromised surprise, Goudreau believed his sea-based raid differed sufficiently from the described land assault.
The AP article’s release coincided with the launch of the first of two assault boats from Colombia, carrying 11 men. The next day, Denman and Berry set out aboard a larger boat with additional forces.
On May 3, Goudreau messaged Horn, “I have 500 people in Colombia standing by but… need State Department approval to send guns and ammo.”
Horn, then advisor at the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, replied, “Ok, let me work on it and see what I can do. I’ll have an update tomorrow.”
Seeking to escalate, Goudreau tweeted a call for support, tagging Trump: “Strikeforce incursion into Venezuela. 60 Venezuelan, 2 American ex Green Beret.” He described this as a distress signal.
That afternoon, Goudreau and former Venezuelan National Guard Captain Javier Nieto Quintero released a video claiming their forces operated in multiple regions of Venezuela, a deliberate ruse to confuse Maduro’s forces and buy escape time.
Although removed from the field, Goudreau’s statements represented desperate efforts to save his team, both of which failed, making the operation a notorious failure.
By May 5, six assailants were killed in firefights, and dozens—including Denman and Berry—were captured. News imagery showed the former Green Berets marched to prison.
A contractually deniable coup
As Goudreau’s plan collapsed, Trump officials quickly disavowed involvement.
“There was no U.S. government direct involvement. If we were involved, it would have gone differently,” Pompeo said on May 6. “We’re not prepared to share more about funding. We’ll address it later.”
Goudreau insists Trump approved the operation but was undermined by conflicting factions within the U.S. government and Venezuelan opposition. “After the contract, I met several powerful figures in Trump’s circle, then Trump and Guaidó met in the White House hours later.”
He says he avoided direct contact with Trump to maintain plausible deniability.
“If I had a certificate or authorization from Trump, that would defeat the purpose.”
Goudreau expected to be disavowed if unsuccessful but was surprised when prosecuted, forcing exposure of Operation Gideon’s secrecy.
Deniability was written into Goudreau’s contract with Rendón, allowing Guaidó to “maintain deniability and be absolved from all knowledge and fault.” True to form, Guaidó has done so.
After severing ties with Goudreau’s operation, Guaidó accepted the resignation of Rendón and another contract drafter following Rendón’s admittance of involvement.
In October 2020, Goudreau sued Rendón for breach of contract over unpaid retainer, a motion to dismiss by Rendón’s team was denied in February 2025.
Following this, Beardsley worked with Department of Veterans Affairs staff Curtis Cashour and Peter Kasperowicz drafting statements distancing Beardsley from Goudreau’s coup, emphasizing their meetings pertained only to refugee humanitarian aid.
The drafts stated Beardsley first met Goudreau regarding humanitarian efforts in Colombia and rejected any illegal Venezuela activity, responding that “Everything I know about his activities I learned from the papers.”
Juan Cruz, former CIA Latin America director, offered commentary on the failed coup in an October 2020 Business Insider interview but declined The Grayzone’s request.
Schiller admitted knowing Horn well and helping him and Beardsley find Trump administration jobs, but said he found Horn’s connections with Goudreau surprising.
Horn likewise was shocked Schiller had discussed the plan with Goudreau.
Goudreau dismissed their ignorance claims, noting no reason for Horn or Jason Whitley to communicate with him if not related to the Venezuela operation.
In January 2021, Horn, Schiller, and Sorial founded GreenMet, pursuing partnerships in Greenland’s critical mineral sector. Horn serves as CEO; Schiller and Sorial no longer appear on staff.
Bloomberg’s 2025 profile dubbed Horn a “key middleman” in Trump’s campaign to secure Greenland’s mineral resources.
In 2024, Schiller and Sorial established Javelin Advisors, a government relations firm representing clients including convicted fraudster Fred Daibes. Lobby filings show Daibes paid $1 million for services and Javelin sought an “executive pardon” for Greg Lindberg, convicted of a $2 billion fraud.
Javelin Advisors also lobbies for Capstone USA Advisory Group promoting potential U.S.-government sponsored reconstruction efforts in Ukraine.
The Biden administration secured Denman and Berry’s release in a December 2023 prisoner exchange.
Goudreau goes missing
Federal prosecutors indicted Goudreau and co-defendant Alvarez in July 2024, charging them with involvement in weapon shipments seized by Colombian authorities in 2020.
The indictment alleges Goudreau purchased 61 firearm kits, including unfinished receivers requiring machining.
Prosecutors claim shipments occurred between December 2019 and March 23, 2020 but omit details on delivery methods to Colombia.
Besides 26 AR-style guns, authorities seized eight suppressors listed as “solvent traps,” dozens of laser aiming devices, weapons sights, and a night vision monocle, forming the basis of additional export violation charges.
On January 10, Goudreau and Alvarez filed notice intending to claim public authority defense, asserting their actions were under U.S. government orders.
During his defense, Alcalá sought access to classified CIA records to prove agency knowledge of his anti-Maduro activities. The CIA invoked state secrets privilege, and a federal judge denied access.
Goudreau and Alvarez have partially succeeded in compelling the government to release documents proving its support but have not obtained all evidence.
Goudreau told The Grayzone he wished to proceed to trial to access classified materials through discovery. However, anticipating trial, he fled.
After release in 2024, Goudreau resided with documentarian Jen Gatien, producer of “Men of War,” who posted her $2 million Manhattan home as bond collateral. Their relationship soured amid disputes over cryptocurrency and bond guarantees, culminating in Goudreau texting, “I’m not going back to prison.”
On October 31, 2025, Goudreau was ordered to a hearing regarding pre-trial release violations but failed to appear, abandoning his ankle monitor at a therapy center near Tampa, Florida. A warrant was issued; his whereabouts remain unknown despite The Grayzone’s attempts at contact.
Before vanishing, Goudreau told The Grayzone his case was “really a cover-up,” citing connected players and suspected foul play.
“My prosecution came from the DOJ’s national security division under John Eisenberg, appointed by ex-General Michael Flynn. Eisenberg was at the White House when Schiller was there. That’s a conflict of interest.”
Kraft did not respond to inquiries.
Sainz, Schiller, Beardsley, Betancourt, and Toledo also declined to comment.
Days before disappearing, Goudreau remarked to Max Blumenthal, “I don’t think a military coup is possible now. If it were, it would have happened. Everything the U.S. is doing, including destroying fishing boats, is just noise. Only an invasion can change things.”
Original article: thegrayzone.com
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