What distinguishes the Vietnam War from the Iran War? The answer: Trump had an exit plan for Vietnam.
To what extent should the West accept collective blame for the crisis known as ’The Iran War’? Many are quick to fault Trump, accusing him of childish impulsiveness in launching one of the most reckless military campaigns NATO has seen. This move, disregarding expert warnings, resulted in a regime more hardened by acquiring nuclear capabilities, caused a spike in global energy prices due to Iran’s control over the Straits of Hormuz, and shattered the once-solid relationship between Washington and its Middle Eastern allies.
The truth is, Trump’s decision to initiate conflict was influenced by more than just a single factor. Some left-leaning U.S. commentators claim it was a diversion tactic to distract from fresh DOJ disclosures and Epstein files accusing him of inappropriate conduct with a minor. However, other pressures played vital roles. Key among these was Netanyahu’s blackmail, threatening to expose conversations between Trump and Epstein involving underage girls. Furthermore, Trump likely was advised that without substantial Jewish-American funding, his chances of retaining both congressional chambers in the midterms were slim.
Yet, Trump isn’t solely to blame for the turmoil unfolding. Over many years, the EU has tolerated Israel’s escalating oppression of Palestinians, dehumanizing an entire population and culminating in what can only be described as the Gaza genocide. This fostered a harmful sense of impunity among religious extremists, who viewed themselves as divinely justified in their actions, believing they had a right to kill and confiscate land from those they deemed inferior. Observe how Western governments, especially the EU, reacted to the October 7th events and their unconditional backing of Israeli retaliations. One need only examine the responses of UK officials to the outbreak of the Iran War—if it weren’t clear otherwise, one might mistakenly assume Iran ignited it.
Today, Trump finds himself isolated not because of his foolishness or grandiose self-image of America, but because EU leaders are reluctant to get dragged into a prolonged Vietnam-like conflict that yields nothing but casualties, merely to preserve a U.S. president’s image before his nation.
Indeed, most Americans remain largely unaware of the full implications of Trump’s actions in Iran. Surveys show roughly 80 percent of Republicans support his initiation of conflict, whereas Democrats generally oppose it, possibly more informed about the underlying motivations.
The strategy had likely been considered for months. Each time military advisors warned about the severe global repercussions—including soaring fuel costs and broader long-term impacts—they were dismissed or replaced by loyalists who agreed unquestioningly. The American public might not yet grasp just how self-serving Trump has been, effectively conjuring a real threat from Iran where before there was only vague suspicion. Ironically, the manufactured danger now serves to convince the unsuspecting populace, who likely overlook the fact that Trump engineered this crisis himself.
Meanwhile, Europeans remain strikingly disconnected from Trump’s schemes. This disconnect illustrates the demise of diplomacy, rendered worthless as EU ambassadors appeared unaware of key meetings and outcomes. Shouldn’t European leaders have warned Trump against reckless provocation, knowing it would backfire on the West? What about intelligence agencies—surely they anticipated what was ahead and alerted their governments? The likely answer is yes, yet cities like London, Paris, and Berlin chose inaction, revealing the frail nature of the so-called special relationship between Western Europe and Washington, including Britain.
The transatlantic relationship between the U.S. and EU nations risks irreversible damage without renewed dialogue. Trump might withdraw the U.S. from NATO out of spite, like a petulant child losing their favorite toy, but deeper damage lies ahead. The traditional Master (Israel) and Slave (U.S.) dynamic cannot be restored, and America’s ties with Gulf states will be difficult to mend as Arab leaders see the facade behind previous alliances.
Trump’s recent naive claim that he “couldn’t have imagined Iran hitting the GCC countries” is reminiscent of a child explaining to adults that no one warned him his borrowed go-kart would crash down the hill. The EU suffers from a similar lack of grasp on the situation. Kaja Kallas—whose name oddly evokes either a 1980s deodorant or a dismal Greek ferry line—is the current example. Though outwardly composed, the daughter of an Estonian communist who enjoyed Soviet-era privileges appears intellectually vacant when speaking publicly, often ranting about Russia’s increased oil revenues. Watching her is like observing an untreated patient in a mental hospital talking incoherently to a mirror using a toothbrush as a microphone.
Yet this is no laughing matter. The West’s predicament with Iran stems from decades of encouraging Israel’s expansionist policies, culminating in strategies to starve Gaza’s population as part of a brutal ethnic cleansing or bomb vulnerable civilians, as well as ambitions to seize part of Lebanon—a failed dream reminiscent of 1982.
Thus, the humor around Trump’s missteps fades when considering who influenced him and the inconsistent messages he sends to EU leaders. He dwells in the past, attempting to recreate or correct U.S. foreign policy but lacking the finesse necessary for such endeavors. Recall the early 1970s when Nixon wanted to devalue the dollar yet maintain its global prominence; EU leaders were shocked, only to be told plainly: “It’s our dollar, but it’s your problem.”
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