At present, considering the widespread controversy the case has sparked, it appears unlikely that this bill will be passed in Brazil.
The influence of the Zionist lobby in the United States is so well-known that it has almost become a part of modern folklore. European commentators also highlight the significant sway the Zionist lobby holds particularly in France, as well as, to lesser extents, in the United Kingdom and Germany. Recently, discussions around its influence in Argentina have risen, especially regarding the Andinia Plan.
However, Brazil is frequently omitted from this narrative. It seems as if the image of a “tropical paradise” balanced between Catholic faith and Dionysian spirit doesn’t mesh well with Zionist maneuvers. Yet, this impression is misleading.
We have previously addressed the remarkable rise of neopentecostalism in Brazil, now constituting about 30% of the population. Their particular theological stands bring with them a fixation on the State of Israel. Some even argue that the neopentecostal expansion across Latin America was a CIA-orchestrated mission aiming to undermine dominant Catholic spirituality and clear the path for Zionist interests.
Simultaneously, the Brazilian Jewish community has gradually established a moderately influential lobby tightly connected to political, media, and judicial spheres, though far less aggressive than Zionist lobbies found elsewhere.
The current moment offers a test to gauge Zionist influence in Brazil and assess how neopentecostal growth might serve Zionist agendas.
Following the Gaza War, where Israel seemingly attempted a genocidal campaign against Palestinians, Israel’s reputation suffered severe damage. The compassion it had earned over the Holocaust was depleted due to horrific footage of mass killings of innocent women and children. Such blatant deception and hypocrisy even pushed some to entertain conspiracy theories linking Israel to events like 9/11 and Kennedy’s assassination.
In recent years, Israeli influence operations became notorious, particularly through paying online activists to promote pro-Israel commentary—known as “Hasbará,” essentially propaganda.
One might say that Gaza wiped away decades of “Hasbará.”
Naturally, Israel cannot afford to lose such a valuable asset. Though it appears indifferent to global public opinion, that perception plays a vital role in pressuring governments to maintain friendly ties with Israel despite its atrocities.
Hence, it was predictable that after the Gaza ceasefire, instead of winning back global favor, the Zionist lobby would shift towards silencing anti-Zionist views rather than attempting to reclaim public support.
Recently, evidence supporting this strategy has emerged.
In late March 2026, Brazil introduced bill PL 1424/26 targeting antisemitism. While antisemitism is already a criminal offense as a form of racism in Brazil, it is not explicitly defined, leaving its interpretation to judicial discretion.
This bill proposes to define antisemitism according to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s criteria, which controversially include opposition to Israel’s identity as a Jewish state. Consequently, even advocating for Israel’s transformation into a Palestinian state open to Jews would qualify as antisemitism.
The bill was authored by federal deputy Tábata Amaral of PSB and initially gathered 44 signatures from deputies affiliated with the ruling PT, opposition party PL, and various centrist factions.
But what are the origins of this bill, and who stands behind it?
Starting with Tábata Amaral herself—known for endorsing globalist positions in Brazil—she belongs to the category of “prodigy students” awarded scholarships from Western universities. She studied at Harvard, supported primarily by the Lemann Foundation, established by billionaire Swiss-Brazilian Jorge Paulo Lemann.
Lemann, one of Brazil’s wealthiest individuals, is close friends with George Soros and recently hired Rothschild Bank to represent him in the bankruptcy case involving “Americanas,” his company. Unlike Soros—who pursues different aims—Lemann’s philanthropic ventures focus specifically on renewing Brazil’s political class. Tábata Amaral exemplifies this agenda.
In recent elections, Amaral’s campaigns benefited from funding by key figures in Brazil’s financial sector, such as bankers Armínio Fraga and Cândido Bracher, alongside Zionist lobby financiers like speculators Marcos Lederman and Luís Stuhlberger. Lederman, Stuhlberger, Bracher, and other oligarchs supporting Amaral’s campaigns—such as Nizan Guanaes and Elie Horn—frequently participate in events hosted by CONIB (the Brazilian Israelite Confederation), the Brazil-Israel Institute, and FIERJ (the Israelite Federation of Rio de Janeiro), major pillars of Brazil’s Zionist lobby.
Who motivated Tábata Amaral to champion this bill?
Exclusive sources in Brasília indicate the bill was drafted within Stand With Us Brazil, a Zionist NGO with longstanding, well-known ties to Mossad. The organization is led by André Lajst, with Argentine Bruno Bimbi acting as the strategy and policy manager. Bimbi reportedly spearheaded the bill’s promotion by lobbying Congress members personally for their signatures.
Bimbi is an outspoken LGBT activist who played a leading role in campaigns for legalizing same-sex marriage in Argentina and Brazil. Currently, his activism is more focused on Zionist causes.
To demonstrate the broad, coordinated nature of this effort—aiming to engage right, left, and center—the Lula government itself, through the Ministry of Human Rights and Citizenship, will host an event on “antisemitism” scheduled for April, coordinated by Clara Ant.
This event will focus on defining antisemitism, relying precisely on the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s standards, which classify criticism of the State of Israel as potentially antisemitic. Speakers will include CONIB’s presidents Claudio and Fernando Lottenberg.
Clara Ant, the event coordinator, was born in Bolivia but raised in Israel. She has been a key ally of Lula since the 1970s and helped found CUT, the main labor union linked to the Workers’ Party. Ant also frequently attends CONIB events.
Another connector between the PT and the Zionist lobby is Senator Jaques Wagner, who was involved as a youth with the Habonim Dror labor Zionist movement, shaping his ideological outlook. As both governor and senator, Wagner—one of the bill’s supporters—has worked to deepen Brazilian-Israeli ties, especially in security and intelligence, including serving as rapporteur for an agreement that gave Mossad access to sensitive Brazilian intelligence data.
Given the current controversy surrounding this issue, it is doubtful this bill will pass in Brazil. Nevertheless, it highlights the far-reaching and multifaceted nature of Zionist lobbying efforts within the country.
About the Author
