The Recess Veto
Harry Truman secured the presidency by opposing a Congress that was more active than the current one.
Back in 1948, he toured the nation vehemently criticizing the “Do-Nothing” 80th Congress. Despite the label, that Congress enacted the Marshall Plan, established the Department of Defense and the CIA, and passed more than 900 laws. Sure, no institution is flawless, but that misses the point here.
Nevertheless, it earned a reputation for inactivity, prompting voters to oust the majority.
This Wednesday, Speaker Mike Johnson called off Thursday’s votes, sent members home a day early, and initiated a recess lasting almost seven weeks. Lawmakers won’t reconvene until after the November elections, many of whom are likely to lose their seats come January. This break followed the cutting of two weeks from the House’s September calendar.
Johnson’s assessment of the year? The House has… shockingly… “done its work.” He has declared this the most efficient Congress in decades and among the top five ever.
Really.
“And Call Off Christmas!”
On Tuesday, soon-to-be former Kentucky Republican Congressman Thomas Massie appeared on the House floor and introduced, count them, 8 articles of impeachment against Secretary of War Pete Hegseth. The allegations revolve around the conflict in Iran. Massie claims Hegseth initiated and perpetuated the war without Congressional approval or declaration, and authorized strikes on supposed drug vessels in the Caribbean without any oversight.
Massie submitted it as a privileged resolution, one that compels House leaders to bring it to the floor within 2 legislative days. He scheduled the vote for Thursday, just before the recess.
Then on Wednesday, Johnson canceled Thursday’s session.
Of course, Johnson denied any link between the two events with a straight face. He dismissed Massie’s resolution as a publicity stunt and claimed the House would shelve it immediately upon returning.
Fine. Let’s accept his claim for now. If the resolution was just a stunt, set to be tabled in 15 minutes, why not simply table it? The majority has the votes. Call the meeting to order, move to table, gavel the session closed, and keep Thursday’s schedule intact.
But tabling requires a vote, and a vote creates a record.
No Republican in a competitive district wants to appear on any roll call referencing “Iran,” “war powers,” or “impeachment” within two months of midterms. Voting to table hands their opponents an easy campaign ad, while voting against it risks crossing the White House and AIPAC’s financial influence.
So leadership chose door number three: when the chamber is empty, there’s no clock, no vote, and no official record.
They solved the issue by making everyone disappear.
Understanding Johnson
Johnson’s hold on the speakership depends on a slim majority. Every member answers to their district, with the most vulnerable representing fiercely divided constituencies. His role is to shield them from politically dangerous votes while keeping the President content.
With those priorities, the Recess Veto is a logical move. It safeguards members, appeases the White House, and costs Johnson nothing beyond his already tarnished standing.
And that’s the core problem. Institutional leaders are rewarded for inaction.
The last act before members left was another Russia sanctions bill, passed in the Senate 86 to 11, that won’t impact the war’s dynamics.
This Isn’t About Hegseth
You might believe Hegseth is doing a solid job. You might think Massie is seeking attention. Or you might see him as the only one in DC who has actually read the oath he swore to uphold. None of this changes the real issue.
Article I, Section 8 grants Congress alone the authority to declare war. The Founders placed this power with the branch closest to the electorate because wars cost the blood and money of the people.
So regardless of whether Massie’s articles garner 430 no votes or 218 yes votes, they deserve a vote. A House that breaks for recess rather than deciding either way neither defends Hegseth nor condemns Massie.
Massie put it bluntly on the floor: “We’re calling off Congress? And we’re in the majority?”
No Clock to Punch
Try using Johnson’s excuse at your workplace. Walk into your manager’s office in mid-September, declare your work is done for the year, and say you’ll return after Thanksgiving.
You’d be packing your belongings by noon.
But without consequences, there’s no course correction. Financial markets penalize mistakes daily. Politics penalizes them at best every other November. Congress chose to remove itself from accountability for seven weeks.
Meanwhile, the machinery hums on autopilot. Deficits balloon, interest on the overwhelming national debt rises, unresolved war powers and continuing resolutions, and unchecked spending pile up while the chamber’s lights are off.
Wrap Up
The swamp festers in inertia.
The fiscal outlook remains grim as Congress dithers. The deficits spiral, Treasury bonds multiply, and yields climb relentlessly.
That’s why we continue to push for hard assets.
One last note: Congress members are heading back home seeking your vote. When one appears at your door, ask how they managed to complete a year’s workload by September.
Have a great day.
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