Not only is Europe not ‘paying for it,’ it’s enough total support — including target intelligence for deep strikes into Russia — to keep escalating the conflict.
Attempts to divert responsibility for the decline in U.S. military supplies away from the conflict in Iran have led President Donald Trump to blame Ukraine yet again. On Truth Social, he asserted, “The Biden administration gave far more munitions away to Ukraine, at no cost to them whatsoever, than we have used in Iran.”
This echoes a recurring theme. Trump frequently stresses that under his leadership, Americans are no longer bearing the financial burden for Ukraine, shifting it instead to Europe. However, public attention in the U.S. on Ukraine has waned recently. Given Trump’s comments, it’s important to clarify the current state of U.S. military aid to Ukraine.
The reality may be unexpected. Although Trump criticizes ongoing support, the United States remains heavily involved in Ukraine’s conflict with Russia, actions that pose national security challenges and contradict Trump’s stated foreign policy objectives.
It’s accurate that Trump scaled back some U.S. aid to Ukraine relative to its peak under former President Joe Biden. His administration ceased using the Presidential Drawdown Authority, a tool Biden employed to provide nearly $35 billion worth of weapons directly from U.S. stockpiles to Ukraine at zero cost. Moreover, the Trump administration refrained from requesting additional funds for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative (USAI), which finances the acquisition of new arms for Ukraine with U.S. dollars.
Nonetheless, some aid channels persist. For instance, as of June 2026, approximately $13 billion in USAI contracts remain active, down from $20 billion in January 2025. Originally signed under Biden and now executed during Trump’s term, these contracts fund weapons deliveries for Ukraine through roughly 2028. Included among the hardware in production are longer lead-time items such as NASAMS, Patriot missiles and components (Ukraine reportedly receives 10-20 PAC-3s monthly), counter-drone technology, artillery rockets, and ammunition supplies.
While not new contracts, these shipments represent continued taxpayer-funded military aid to Ukraine and may total roughly $20 billion across Trump’s four-year term. The weapons come from already stretched U.S. production lines, which entails a significant opportunity cost given the limitations of America’s defense manufacturing capabilities. Without these commitments to Ukraine, production capacity could be redirected toward equipment deemed higher priority for U.S. needs.
Should the Trump administration earnestly seek to halt American expenditures on the Ukraine conflict, it could reclaim and repurpose these funds to support domestic defense manufacturing. However, it has permitted this aid to persist.
Congress has also approved some new aid allocations since Biden departed office, including roughly $800 million in USAI funding within the 2026 and 2027 National Defense Authorization Acts (NDAAs), with additional provisions anticipated in future legislation.
The State Department continues to dispatch military assistance as well. A portion is routed to Ukraine’s Ministry of Interior, including drones, armored vehicles, firearms, grenade launchers, and other gear. Though often categorized as non-military due to deployment with the National Guard and border police—units originally intended for counterdrug roles—these forces currently function as combat troops.
Additionally, the State Department has authorized $3 billion in new arms sales for Ukraine in 2025 and 2026, partially funded through foreign military financing (FMF). This process uses U.S. dollars to support purchases by foreign governments of American weaponry. Some funds might derive from previously allocated but unused Biden-era funds, but a significant share will come from the State Department’s current budget.
In summary, transfers of U.S. weapons to Ukraine continue under Trump, averaging around $5 billion yearly. Yet, this form of aid is no longer the dominant or costliest American contribution.
For instance, the U.S. provides Ukraine with real-time targeting data, such as intelligence on Russian troop movements and crucial command center locations. This has been essential for Ukraine’s mid-range strikes targeting Russian supply chains as well as for its deep attacks on military and energy infrastructure within Russia. Furthermore, U.S. reconnaissance and surveillance assets stationed in NATO countries—including frequent E-3 flights—are integrated into Ukraine’s air defense system, enhancing its responsiveness and accuracy.
Beyond intelligence, the United States supplies logistical and maintenance assistance, including on-site and remote support for repairing U.S.-made equipment, delivery of spare parts to maintain older systems, training programs, and facilitation of European acquisitions of American weapons.
The expenses for intelligence, logistics, and operational support are not itemized in public budgets, despite rising U.S. aid. Still, estimates can be drawn from available data.
The 2024 supplemental defense legislation, for example, allocated approximately $15 billion to “military training, intelligence sharing, increased presence, and other support activities.” These funds are meant to cover operations supporting Ukraine that would not happen without U.S. engagement. Some portion inevitably compensates military personnel who would receive pay regardless of their deployment location.
Given that about a third of each branch’s budget goes to personnel, a reasonable approximation for the incremental cost of Ukraine-related activities (excluding standard salaries) is around $10 billion per year. If intelligence sharing has expanded under Trump, these costs may have grown accordingly.
Moreover, the military and intelligence communities likely shoulder additional hidden costs linked to Ukraine support. Certain intelligence tasks—like satellite operations and signals intelligence—are funded through classified national security budgets. Notably, in 2023, classified intelligence funding rose by 10% compared to 2022, a significant jump explained by leaders as necessary due to changes in the national security environment, which includes both concern over China’s growing influence and spillover effects from the Ukraine war. Since the total classified intelligence budget increased by roughly $10 billion, an estimated $3 to $5 billion of that might be Ukraine-related.
Altogether, U.S. taxpayers are currently spending about $20 billion annually to support Ukraine. The nature of assistance now places greater emphasis on operational involvement rather than solely arms shipments, elevating potential risks for average Americans.
Firstly, helping Ukraine target energy infrastructure within Russia contradicts the Trump administration’s goal of keeping gas prices low. As Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent has remarked, Ukrainian strikes inside Russia contribute to global oil price increases, resulting in higher living costs for Americans.
Secondly, U.S. intelligence support entangles America more deeply in Ukraine’s war, making it essentially an active combatant. Russia’s aid to Iran, both in weaponry and intelligence cooperation, is a reaction to the comparable U.S. position in Ukraine. This dynamic jeopardizes the safety of U.S. forces deployed in the Middle East and elsewhere. Further American involvement also heightens the danger of a miscalculation sparking direct U.S.-Russia conflict—a dire prospect considering the degraded state of U.S. military readiness.
Trump pledged to end the war in Ukraine in 24 hours. However, he has instead intensified U.S. entanglement, exposing the nation to new risks and financial burdens. The best course for American interests would be a complete withdrawal, but if Trump prefers to maintain the current policy, he should at least be transparent about it.
Original article: responsiblestatecraft.org
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