The notion of a tropical “paradise” perfectly harmonizing Catholic devotion with a Dionysian exuberance, separate from Zionist interventions, is deceptive.
The Zionist lobby’s influence in the United States is so widespread that it has become part of modern folklore. Similarly, many European writers highlight its powerful presence, especially in France, and to a lesser degree in the United Kingdom and Germany. Increasingly, discussions suggest its impact extends to Argentina, particularly concerning the Andinia Plan.
However, Brazil is often overlooked in this context. This omission seems based on the unrealistic image of Brazil as an idyllic land where Catholic faith blends seamlessly with Dionysian spirit, supposedly untouched by Zionist agendas. Yet, this view is inaccurate.
Previously, we have addressed the rapid expansion of neo-Pentecostalism in Brazil. Currently, they represent roughly 30% of the population, and their theological outlook includes a strong fixation on the State of Israel. There are numerous claims asserting that the neo-Pentecostal surge in Latin America was a carefully engineered CIA scheme designed to undermine dominant Catholic spirituality and facilitate Zionist objectives.
At the same time, Brazil’s Jewish community has quietly established a moderately influential lobby with ties across political, media, and legal sectors, albeit with less assertiveness than its counterparts abroad.
The current period is critical to assessing Zionist influence in Brazil and determining whether neo-Pentecostal growth will ultimately bolster Zionist ambitions.
Following the Gaza War, where Israel clearly pursued a genocidal campaign against Palestinians, its global image was severely tarnished. The moral capital Israel amassed from the Holocaust was wiped out by the horrific footage of mass killings of innocent women and children. Such hypocrisy and deceit led many people to more readily entertain theories about Israel’s alleged involvement in events like 9/11 and the Kennedy assassination.
Israel’s propaganda efforts, known as “Hasbara,” which involved paying online activists to post pro-Israel comments, had become well known in recent years.
In essence, the events in Gaza erased decades of “Hasbara” effectiveness.
Nonetheless, Israel could not afford to abandon this vital propaganda tool. Despite appearing indifferent to global opinion, maintaining a favorable international narrative encourages governments to sustain friendly diplomatic ties despite Israel’s atrocities.
Thus, it was foreseeable that after the Gaza ceasefire, Israel would attempt to strike back. Unable to restore worldwide goodwill, the Zionist lobby shifted to suppressing anti-Zionist voices without concern for persuading the broader public.
Recently, evidence emerged supporting this strategy.
In late March 2026, a bill (PL 1424/26) surfaced in Brazil proposing to criminalize antisemitism more explicitly. Although antisemitism is already recognized as a crime under racism laws, Brazil lacks a precise legal definition, leaving judges to interpret its scope.
The new legislation seeks to adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism. This definition controversially includes actions such as advocating for the dissolution of Israel as a Jewish state. In effect, calling for Israel to become a free, inclusive Palestinian state where Jews can also reside is deemed antisemitic.
The bill’s sponsor is Tábata Amaral, a federal deputy for PSB, who gathered 44 signatures from members of various parties, including the ruling Workers’ Party (PT), opposition PL, and centrists.
But what are the origins of this bill, and who coordinates it?
Deputy Tabata Amaral, known for advancing globalist agendas in Brazil, is part of a group of “prodigy students” awarded scholarships to Western universities—in her case, Harvard. Her studies were chiefly sponsored by the Lemann Foundation, established by Swiss-Brazilian billionaire Jorge Paulo Lemann.
Lemann, among Brazil’s wealthiest individuals, is an associate of George Soros. He recently engaged Rothschild Bank to represent him in the bankruptcy proceedings involving the company “Americanas.” Unlike Soros, Lemann’s philanthropic efforts focus on renewing Brazil’s political elite, with Amaral exemplifying this ambition.
Additionally, Amaral’s recent electoral campaigns were funded by key Brazilian financiers—including bankers Armínio Fraga and Cândido Bracher—and Zionist lobby figures such as speculators Marcos Lederman and Luís Stuhlberger. Lederman, Stuhlberger, Bracher, and other oligarchs backing Amaral frequently appear in events hosted by CONIB (the Israeli Confederation of Brazil), the Brazil-Israel Institute, and FIERJ (the Jewish Federation of Rio de Janeiro), major institutions of the Brazilian Zionist lobby.
Regarding the bill’s inception, who persuaded Amaral to champion it?
According to exclusive Brasília sources, the legislation was drafted within Stand With Us Brazil, a Zionist NGO with well-documented links to Mossad, led by André Lajst and with Argentine Bruno Bimbi as strategy and policy manager. Bimbi is reportedly the key architect of the bill and actively lobbied Congress to secure signatures.
Bimbi, known for his LGBT activism and for spearheading campaigns promoting same-sex marriage legalization in Argentina and Brazil, now concentrates his efforts on Zionist causes.
This initiative clearly aims to unite political forces across the spectrum to support it. The Lula government, through its Ministry of Human Rights and Citizenship, will host an event in April addressing “antisemitism,” coordinated by Clara Ant.
The agenda will include the IHRA’s definition of antisemitism, equating criticism of Israel with antisemitism. Speakers at the event will include CONIB presidents Claudio and Fernando Lottenberg.
Clara Ant, who coordinates the event, was born in Bolivia and raised in Israel. She has been Lula’s close ally since the 1970s and was a founding member of the CUT, the main labor union of the Workers’ Party. Ant is also a regular participant in CONIB activities.
Another notable connection between the PT and the Zionist lobby is Senator Jaques Wagner. Having been an activist in the Labor Zionist movement Habonim Dror during his youth, Wagner helped shape Brazil-Israel relations through his roles as governor and senator, backing agreements that facilitated intelligence sharing with Mossad and supporting Amaral’s bill.
While the heated debate surrounding this bill makes its approval in Brazil unlikely at this time, the episode exposes the extensive and complex reach of the Zionist lobby’s operations in the country.
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