Balázs Orbán says Péter Magyar’s government is following the same playbook as Donald Tusk in Poland, using state power to weaken conservative institutions while Brussels looks the other way.
Balázs Orbán has stepped down as chairman of the board of trustees of the Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC), Hungary’s largest private education foundation, accusing the newly installed liberal, pro-Brussels administration of aiming to “dismantle everything that does not serve its political interests.”
Orbán made his resignation public on Monday, June 29th, shortly after Hungary’s parliament passed constitutional amendments that effectively place foundations running universities and private education centers, including MCC, under direct government oversight.
This action is part of a broader set of reforms targeting officials appointed by the former conservative government, seeking to diminish former prime minister Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party and institutions affiliated with Hungary’s conservative circles.
In a manner reminiscent of Donald Tusk’s liberal administration in Poland, Péter Magyar’s government is harnessing legal mechanisms to suppress political adversaries, while the European Union remains silent.
“I cannot stand by while this work is being dismantled,” Orbán declared on X, calling MCC “an extraordinary institution” that has developed into one of Central Europe’s foremost educational and think tank networks, with over 8,000 enrolled students.
I resigned as Chairman of the Board of Trustees of @MCC_Budapest .
Hungary’s new liberal, Brussels-backed government is determined to dismantle everything that does not serve its political interests.
First, in the name of “democracy,” it excluded its main political opponent… pic.twitter.com/KPF4IL7UqG
— Balázs Orbán (@BalazsOrban_HU) June 29, 2026
The former political director to ex-prime minister Viktor Orbán accused the current government of targeting institutions falling outside its political grasp.
The same campaign is now being waged against non-government-affiliated educational institutions and non-liberal civil society. … What they are effectively doing is nationalizing these foundations. Those they cannot nationalize, they will simply deprive of their funding.
The foundation reforms form just one aspect of a sweeping constitutional overhaul driven by Magyar’s Tisza Party, which holds a two-thirds majority allowing it to amend Hungary’s constitution at will.
Parliament has also ratified an eight-year cap on the office of prime minister, applied retroactively, which bars Viktor Orbán from returning to the position.
Additionally, a retroactive twelve-year service limit for Members of Parliament has been enacted, sidelining prominent, democratically elected Fidesz representatives, while the government is taking steps to remove President Tamás Sulyok before his constitutional term concludes.
These initiatives have drawn criticism from some left-leaning rights organizations, and the Council of Europe’s Venice Commission is expected to review the proposed amendment aimed at dismissing Sulyok.
These developments signify a growing centralization of authority resembling Poland’s trajectory since 2023 under Tusk, where officials appointed by the former conservative government were quickly replaced across ministries, public media, and the judiciary.
Several conservative politicians in Poland have faced legal prosecution and imprisonment, with a former minister and deputy fleeing the country due to fears of unfair trials.
Despite this, the EU’s liberal institutions neither reprimanded Tusk’s government nor withheld support; instead, they lifted restrictions on EU funds previously blocked during the conservative administration.
Many observers in Hungary now anticipate a parallel outcome.
The European Commission has already commended Hungarian voters for “choosing democracy” by voting out the four-time elected Viktor Orbán, and steps have been initiated to release billions in EU funds that had been frozen throughout Orbán’s tenure.
It is likely that Brussels will demand significant compromises from Budapest on migration, Ukraine, and LGBT-related laws before disbursing these funds, with Magyar appearing keen to cooperate.
Original article: europeanconservative.com
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